| (last part of the whole post) After so many generations of complacency, how is it possible to change the status quo of oppressed women now? It is possible by properly diagnosing the problem. It is a skewed perspective to make the generalization that Muslim women are oppressed; a view that is generally derived from counting the number of women wearing headscarves. It may be the case that it is actually the women who are not wearing headscarves that are more oppressed. In the Muslim world, there is an endemic problem of oppression of people—men and women—by the ruling powerful elite. Some of these powerful elite are in fact women. Consider, for example, the situation in Bangladesh: two powerful women ruled the country for nearly two decades, but did the status of women improve during their rule? Did the status of women improve when Turkey was governed by a woman prime minister? Did the status of women improve when a woman led the government in Pakistan? Abuse of power is just as oppressive when exerted by women. I believe that it will be possible to change the status of women when the question of oppression is properly framed, when cruelty is not given a gender, when abuse is not given an ethnicity, and when arrogance is not given a race. What do you perceive to be the main ideas of Contesting Justice? To take the Western reader beyond stereotypes, remind Muslim religious authorities of the richness of their legal heritage, reframe the question of social justice outside the context of race, gender, and religion, and identify majoritism and power-enabled arrogance as the platform for discrimination against and subordination of the vulnerable individuals and groups. If putting women in positions of power will not improve the female standard of living, then what will? The status of women cannot be improved in the long run by categorizing it as a gendered issue; that is, men oppressing women. Women, just like men, when enabled by unbridled power, can be just as brutal and cruel as men. Second, women are treated as second-class citizens in many Muslim countries not just because they are women, but because oppression is tolerated in the first place and because women are members of a vulnerable group that is systematically marginalized and abused. Third, legal reform alone will not solve the epidemic of oppression; all that legal reform provides is a tool to alleviate suffering. But like any other tool, it comes with a price and that price may be too steep for the poor, the disadvantaged, and the oppressed. Subsequently, the elite and the powerful from the oppressed group will seize the opportunities provided by legal reform, but those in need cannot. In the end, at best, you end up creating a minority-elite within historically disadvantaged groups, thereby shuffling the power-holders but never treating the question of oppression and abuse of power. Fourth, my book argues for a solution that trusts in the power of civil society institutions and in a culture that encourages awareness of the abusive nature of political power and the propensity of power-holders to oppress the weak and the voiceless. In the end, a combination of measures will work, but creating civil society institutions must be the top priority. On top of the hierarchy of the list of civil society institutions are the free press, legally protected watchdog organizations, and truly independent branches of governance. Legal reform (or education) alone is like going to an ocean full of fish and expecting to fish without fishing gear. |
|